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Authored by Gabriel Rockhill via Counterpunch.org,
One of the most steadfast beliefs regarding the United States is that it is a democracy. Whenever this conviction waivers slightly, it is almost always to point out detrimental exceptions to core American values or foundational principles. For instance, aspiring critics frequently bemoan a “loss of democracy” due to the election of clownish autocrats, draconian measures on the part of the state, the revelation of extraordinary malfeasance or corruption, deadly foreign interventions, or other such activities that are considered undemocratic exceptions. The same is true for those whose critical framework consists in always juxtaposing the actions of the U.S. government to its founding principles, highlighting the contradiction between the two and clearly placing hope in its potential resolution.
The problem, however, is that there is no contradiction or supposed loss of democracy because the United States simply never was one. This is a difficult reality for many people to confront, and they are likely more inclined to immediately dismiss such a claim as preposterous rather than take the time to scrutinize the material historical record in order to see for themselves. Such a dismissive reaction is due in large part to what is perhaps the most successful public relations campaign in modern history.
What will be seen, however, if this record is soberly and methodically inspected, is that a country founded on elite, colonial rule based on the power of wealth—a plutocratic colonial oligarchy, in short—has succeeded not only in buying the label of “democracy” to market itself to the masses, but in having its citizenry, and many others, so socially and psychologically invested in its nationalist origin myth that they refuse to hear lucid and well-documented arguments to the contrary.
To begin to peel the scales from our eyes, let us outline in the restricted space of this article, five patent reasons why the United States has never been a democracy (a more sustained and developed argument is available in my book, Counter-History of the Present).
To begin with, British colonial expansion into the Americas did not occur in the name of the freedom and equality of the general population, or the conferral of power to the people. Those who settled on the shores of the “new world,” with few exceptions, did not respect the fact that it was a very old world indeed, and that a vast indigenous population had been living there for centuries. As soon as Columbus set foot, Europeans began robbing, enslaving and killing the native inhabitants. The trans-Atlantic slave trade commenced almost immediately thereafter, adding a countless number of Africans to the ongoing genocidal assault against the indigenous population. Moreover, it is estimated that over half of the colonists who came to North America from Europe during the colonial period were poor indentured servants, and women were generally trapped in roles of domestic servitude. Rather than the land of the free and equal, then, European colonial expansion to the Americas imposed a land of the colonizer and the colonized, the master and the slave, the rich and the poor, the free and the un-free. The former constituted, moreover, an infinitesimally small minority of the population, whereas the overwhelming majority, meaning “the people,” was subjected to death, slavery, servitude, and unremitting socio-economic oppression.
Second, when the elite colonial ruling class decided to sever ties from their homeland and establish an independent state for themselves, they did not found it as a democracy. On the contrary, they were fervently and explicitly opposed to democracy, like the vast majority of European Enlightenment thinkers. They understood it to be a dangerous and chaotic form of uneducated mob rule. For the so-called “founding fathers,” the masses were not only incapable of ruling, but they were considered a threat to the hierarchical social structures purportedly necessary for good governance. In the words of John Adams, to take but one telling example, if the majority were given real power, they would redistribute wealth and dissolve the “subordination” so necessary for politics. When the eminent members of the landowning class met in 1787 to draw up a constitution, they regularly insisted in their debates on the need to establish a republic that kept at bay vile democracy, which was judged worse than “the filth of the common sewers” by the pro-Federalist editor William Cobbett. The new constitution provided for popular elections only in the House of Representatives, but in most states the right to vote was based on being a property owner, and women, the indigenous and slaves—meaning the overwhelming majority of the population—were simply excluded from the franchise. Senators were elected by state legislators, the President by electors chosen by the state legislators, and the Supreme Court was appointed by the President. It is in this context that Patrick Henry flatly proclaimed the most lucid of judgments: “it is not a democracy.” George Mason further clarified the situation by describing the newly independent country as “a despotic aristocracy.”
When the American republic slowly came to be relabeled as a “democracy,” there were no significant institutional modifications to justify the change in name. In other words, and this is the third point, the use of the term “democracy” to refer to an oligarchic republic simply meant that a different word was being used to describe the same basic phenomenon. This began around the time of “Indian killer” Andrew Jackson’s presidential campaign in the 1830s. Presenting himself as a ‘democrat,’ he put forth an image of himself as an average man of the people who was going to put a halt to the long reign of patricians from Virginia and Massachusetts. Slowly but surely, the term “democracy” came to be used as a public relations term to re-brand a plutocratic oligarchy as an electoral regime that serves the interest of the people or demos. Meanwhile, the American holocaust continued unabated, along with chattel slavery, colonial expansion and top-down class warfare.
In spite of certain minor changes over time, the U.S. republic has doggedly preserved its oligarchic structure, and this is readily apparent in the two major selling points of its contemporary “democratic” publicity campaign. The Establishment and its propagandists regularly insist that a structural aristocracy is a “democracy” because the latter is defined by the guarantee of certain fundamental rights (legal definition) and the holding of regular elections (procedural definition). This is, of course, a purely formal, abstract and largely negative understanding of democracy, which says nothing whatsoever about people having real, sustained power over the governing of their lives. However, even this hollow definition dissimulates the extent to which, to begin with, the supposed equality before the law in the United States presupposes an inequality before the law by excluding major sectors of the population: those judged not to have the right to rights, and those considered to have lost their right to rights (Native Americans, African-Americans and women for most of the country’s history, and still today in certain aspects, as well as immigrants, “criminals,” minors, the “clinically insane,” political dissidents, and so forth). Regarding elections, they are run in the United States as long, multi-million dollar advertising campaigns in which the candidates and issues are pre-selected by the corporate and party elite. The general population, the majority of whom do not have the right to vote or decide not to exercise it, are given the “choice”—overseen by an undemocratic electoral college and embedded in a non-proportional representation scheme—regarding which member of the aristocratic elite they would like to have rule over and oppress them for the next four years. “Multivariate analysis indicates,” according to an important recent study by Martin Gilens and Benjamin I. Page, “that economic elites and organized groups representing business interests have substantial independent impacts on U.S. government policy, while average citizens and mass-based interest groups have little or no independent influence. The results provide substantial support for theories of Economic-Elite Domination […], but not for theories of Majoritarian Electoral Democracy.”
To take but a final example of the myriad ways in which the U.S. is not, and has never been, a democracy, it is worth highlighting its consistent assault on movements of people power. Since WWII, it has endeavored to overthrow some 50 foreign governments, most of which were democratically elected. It has also, according the meticulous calculations by William Blum in America’s Deadliest Export: Democracy, grossly interfered in the elections of at least 30 countries, attempted to assassinate more than 50 foreign leaders, dropped bombs on more than 30 countries, and attempted to suppress populist movements in 20 countries. The record on the home front is just as brutal. To take but one significant parallel example, there is ample evidence that the FBI has been invested in a covert war against democracy. Beginning at least in the 1960s, and likely continuing up to the present, the Bureau “extended its earlier clandestine operations against the Communist party, committing its resources to undermining the Puerto Rico independence movement, the Socialist Workers party, the civil rights movement, Black nationalist movements, the Ku Klux Klan, segments of the peace movement, the student movement, and the ‘New Left’ in general” (Cointelpro: The FBI’s Secret War on Political Freedom, p. 22-23). Consider, for instance, Judi Bari’s summary of its assault on the Socialist Workers Party: “From 1943-63, the federal civil rights case Socialist Workers Party v. Attorney General documents decades of illegal FBI break-ins and 10 million pages of surveillance records. The FBI paid an estimated 1,600 informants $1,680,592 and used 20,000 days of wiretaps to undermine legitimate political organizing.” In the case of the Black Panther Party and the American Indian Movement (AIM)—which were both important attempts to mobilize people power to dismantle the structural oppression of white supremacy and top-down class warfare—the FBI not only infiltrated them and launched hideous smear and destabilization campaigns against them, but they assassinated 27 Black Panthers and 69 members of AIM (and subjected countless others to the slow death of incarceration). If it be abroad or on the home front, the American secret police has been extremely proactive in beating down the movements of people rising up, thereby protecting and preserving the main pillars of white supremacist, capitalist aristocracy.
Rather than blindly believing in a golden age of democracy in order to remain at all costs within the gilded cage of an ideology produced specifically for us by the well-paid spin-doctors of a plutocratic oligarchy, we should unlock the gates of history and meticulously scrutinize the founding and evolution of the American imperial republic. This will not only allow us to take leave of its jingoist and self-congratulatory origin myths, but it will also provide us with the opportunity to resuscitate and reactivate so much of what they have sought to obliterate. In particular, there is a radical America just below the surface of these nationalist narratives, an America in which the population autonomously organizes itself in indigenous and ecological activism, black radical resistance, anti-capitalist mobilization, anti-patriarchal struggles, and so forth. It is this America that the corporate republic has sought to eradicate, while simultaneously investing in an expansive public relations campaign to cover over its crimes with the fig leaf of “democracy” (which has sometimes required integrating a few token individuals, who appear to be from below, into the elite ruling class in order to perpetuate the all-powerful myth of meritocracy). If we are astute and perspicacious enough to recognize that the U.S. is undemocratic today, let us not be so indolent or ill-informed that we let ourselves be lulled to sleep by lullabies praising its halcyon past. Indeed, if the United States is not a democracy today, it is in large part due to the fact that it never was one.
Far from being a pessimistic conclusion, however, it is precisely by cracking open the hard shell of ideological encasement that we can tap into the radical forces that have been suppressed by it. These forces—not those that have been deployed to destroy them—should be the ultimate source of our pride in the power of the people.
By Dr. Mercola
The video above features a lecture by Del Bigtree,1 an Emmy award-winning producer of "The Doctors" talk show for six years, and one of the producers of the documentary "Vaxxed." I actually attended and saw the talk he gave during the 2017 "Truth About Cancer Live" event in Orlando, Florida, where I was also speaking.
He focuses on vaccine safety and freedom of choice. This presentation was designed to be shared with those who think vaccine safety advocates are foolish and need to "get with the program." This is one of the best presentations I have seen that could have many rational and objective people change their views on vaccines, so feel free to widely share with those who are in favor of vaccines.
"I am a super fan of science," he says. "When we talk about vaccines, and if you question vaccines, you are said to be anti-science. The opposite is actually true … and today I'm going to prove to you [that] the science of vaccines has been fraudulent; it's a lie, it does not exist, and I want you to march out and demand that science begin immediately."
The official refrain repeated by most mainstream media is that vaccines have been thoroughly researched and "hundreds" of studies have proven they're safe, and that no link between vaccines and health problems such as autism have ever been found. Unfortunately, this simply isn't true. Importantly, the industry has long shied away from evaluating vaccinated versus unvaccinated populations to determine general health outcomes.
One such study2 was finally published earlier this year, and its findings were less than encouraging. Here, they examined health outcomes following the introduction of diphtheria-tetanus-pertussis (DTP) and oral polio vaccine (OPV) in Guinea-Bissau, which took place in the early 1980s. This population offered the rare opportunity to compare vaccinated and unvaccinated children due to the way the vaccines were rolled out. What did they find?
According to the authors, "DTP was associated with fivefold higher mortality than being unvaccinated," and "All currently available evidence suggests that DTP vaccine may kill more children from other causes than it saves from diphtheria, tetanus or pertussis." In other words, the researchers concluded the DTP vaccine weakened the children's immune system, rendering them vulnerable to a whole host of other, ultimately lethal, diseases and health problems.
Other West African trials revealed a high titer measles vaccine interacted with the DTP vaccine, resulting in a 33 percent increase in infant mortality.3 In this case, this shocking finding led to the withdrawal of that measles vaccine. But what would have happened had those studies never been done? Clearly, we need many more like them.
In the U.S., federal health officials recommend that children receive 69 doses of 16 vaccines between the day of birth and18 years old, with 50 doses given before age six. How does this affect their health? And is anyone actually tracking the health outcomes of the federal childhood vaccine program?
The answer, I'm afraid, is no. We do not know if and how all of these vaccinations are affecting the general health and mortality of our children. We do, however, know that the U.S. has one of the highest infant and maternal mortality rates of any developed nation, and we also have the highest vaccination rates.
Vaccines are not risk-free. Far from it. In fact, both the U.S. Congress and the Supreme Court have concluded that government licensed and recommended childhood vaccines are "unavoidably unsafe."4 Vaccines also have the highest number of recalls5 of any drug or biological product (vaccines are not drugs but, rather, are considered biologicals by the FDA). The short list of adverse events for which victims have received compensation from the federal vaccine injury compensation program (VICP) include:
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Guillain-Barre syndrome |
Transverse myelitis |
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Encephalopathy |
Seizure disorder hypoxic seizure |
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Death |
Brachial neuritis |
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Acute disseminated encephalomyelitis |
Chronic inflammatory demyelinating polyradiculoneuropathy (CIDP) |
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Premature ovarian failure |
Bell's palsy |
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Idiopathic thrombocytopenic purpura |
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Anaphylaxis |
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Ocular myasthenia gravis |
Infantile spasms |
Potential side effects actually listed on vaccine inserts include:
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Autoimmune diseases |
Food allergies |
Asthma |
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Juvenile diabetes |
Rheumatoid arthritis |
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Tics |
Tourette syndrome |
ADD/ADHD |
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Speech delay |
Neurodevelopment disorders |
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Sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS) |
Narcolepsy |
Barring large-scale studies comparing unvaccinated and vaccinated populations, general health statistics can give us an inkling as to how well the U.S. vaccination program protects our children's health, and it doesn't look promising.
• One in 6 children has a developmental disability, which includes ADD, ADHD, autism, hearing loss, learning disabilities, mental disabilities, seizures and stammering — many of which are also listed or known side effects of vaccines
• Fifty-four percent of children have a diagnosed chronic illness, including anxiety, asthma, behavioral problems, bone and muscle disorders, chronic ear infections, depression, diabetes, food and/or environmental allergies and epilepsy. This list again mirrors many of the acknowledged side effects of vaccines, and the rise in prevalence of these diseases parallel the rise in required vaccines, yet vaccine promoters insist that these illnesses are in no way associated with vaccinations
Making matters worse, manufacturers of vaccines that are on the childhood schedule are not legally liable for brain damage or other types of injuries occurring from the administration of these vaccines. This is stark contrast to every other industry, where the manufacturer is financially liable and accountable in a civil court of law for faulty, malfunctioning or unsafe products.
Vaccine manufacturers (and vaccine providers), on the other hand, were granted partial immunity from liability in the 1986 National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act, after the vaccine industry threatened to cease making childhood vaccines for release in the U.S. unless they were protected from being sued in civil court for damages.
Then, in 2011, the U.S. Supreme Court effectively handed vaccine manufacturers a total liability shield from lawsuits for harm caused by FDA licensed vaccines recommended for children — even if there is evidence the vaccine could have been made safer!6 The consequences of this are staggering.
As a result of Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court removing civil liability for vaccine injuries and deaths, vaccine makers have no incentive to conduct safety studies on their vaccines pre- and post-licensure; the FDA has no incentive to maintain high standards for proof of new vaccine safety; the CDC has no incentive to make vaccine policies safer; NIH has no incentive to fund research into vaccine side effects and high risk factors that make some individuals more susceptible to vaccine harm; and the federal vaccine injury compensation program (VICP) created under the 1986 law has little incentive to make awards to the vaccine injured.
In fact, the U.S Supreme Court majority misinterpreted the legislative history of the 1986 law, although that history was correctly interpreted by dissenting Supreme Court justices Sonia Sotomayor and Ruth Bader Ginsberg, who disagreed that Congress in 1986 intended to completely shield vaccine manufacturers from civil liability.7
Nevertheless, the net result now is that vaccine manufacturers have gotten a free pass when their products cause vaccine injuries and deaths because the only possible way a vaccine injured person in the U.S can sue a manufacturer is if the company possesses evidence a vaccine causes a particular problem and failed to disclose it to the FDA. If pharmaceutical companies plead ignorance about vaccine side effects because, for example, they didn't fully investigate potential side effects, they're in the clear!
Adding insult to injury, if you or your child suffers a permanent injury or dies after getting a federally licensed and recommended childhood vaccine and you file a VICP claim, it is now your responsibility to prove causation.
That's right, it's now up to you, your lawyer and whatever experts you can afford, to identify the science to explain your or your child's injury and argue with U.S. Department of Justice attorneys representing the U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services about why you or your child should receive compensation.
Had the vaccine manufacturer or the U.S. government done the appropriate safety studies, you'd be able to use their own research in arguing your case, and this is yet another reason why proper vaccine safety studies are not being done. If you somehow manage to prove your case and win, compensation for pain, suffering and death is capped at $250,000. Despite all of these hurdles, the VICP has paid out more than $3.7 billion for vaccine injuries and deaths since 1988.8
As noted in this lecture, safety studies for vaccines are nothing like what you'd expect. While drugs are typically studied for side effects over a number of years, the hepatitis B vaccine, for example, which is injected into newborn babies, had a safety review period prior to licensure of four days (GlaxoSmithKline's brand, Engerix) and five days (Merck's Recombivax).
On top of that, no placebo group was included, making it all the more difficult to discern whether a problem might be related to the injection. The polio vaccine has a safety review period of just 48 hours. What this means is if the child died on day three, it didn't count, because they were no longer looking for or tracking potential side effects.
Here, the subject group received the polio and DTP vaccine, while the so-called "placebo" group received only the DTP vaccine — the same vaccine that provided evidence it raised mortality in African children fivefold. This is NOT the way to establish vaccine safety, and this is what everyone is referring to when they say "hundreds" of studies have "proven" vaccines are safe.
Manufacturers are also highly incentivized to develop more vaccines, and to get them to market as quickly as possible, which again means cutting corners when it comes to safety studies. Indeed, this is exactly what happened after Congress granted vaccine manufacturers immunity from liability. Before 1986, the CDC only recommended 23 doses of seven vaccines for children between 2 months and 6 years old.9 Today, the total is up to 50 doses of 14 vaccines by age 6.10
Some 270 experimental vaccines are already in the pipeline. How many of those will be added to the CDC's schedule of recommended childhood vaccines that are turned into school mandates in the states? How many can a child bear? Where is the breaking point? And how do we know a breaking point has not already been reached? Judging by our health statistics, I'd suggest we've passed the breaking point already.
Vaccine safety is further hindered by the fact that the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS), which is in charge of vaccine safety, is also in charge of promoting vaccines to the public and defending vaccine safety in court! (When you file a VICP vaccine injury claim, you're actually suing the U.S. government, not the vaccine maker.) These conflicts of interest seriously hamper the DHHS' ability to fulfill its mandate to make sure all vaccines are safe.
But it doesn't end there. The Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP), which tells the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) which vaccines should be included on the recommended childhood vaccination schedule, also has significant conflicts of interest. In this case, some panel members have been found to have financial ties to the drug companies making and selling the very vaccines they're voting to include on the schedule.
And once a vaccine is added to the schedule, these companies have risk-free access to a market of 78 million American children because most federally recommended vaccines are mandated by state governments for children to attend school. With that kind of financial incentive, is it any wonder this federal committee has tacked 46 doses of vaccines onto the childhood schedule since 1986? As noted in a 2000 investigation into ACIP by the U.S. Government Reform Committee:
"The CDC grants blanket waivers to the ACIP members each year that allow them to deliberate on any subject, regardless of their conflicts, for the entire year … [ACIP reflects] a system where government officials make crucial decisions affecting American children without the advice and consent of the governed."
Last but not least, the CDC, which also has a role to play in vaccine safety, spends $4.9 billion of its annual $11.5 billion budget on the purchase and promotion of vaccines. Now, if any FDA licensed and CDC recommended vaccine were found to be dangerous, what incentive does the government have to pull it off the market? Federal agencies have basically morphed into becoming funders, advertisers and product distributors for the vaccine industry.
The CDC even holds at least 27 human vaccine-related patents, plus another five patents for veterinary vaccines,11 which dampens the agency's incentive to find or acknowledge any safety or effectiveness issues with vaccines. The revolving door between government agencies and the industry adds further complexity to these conflicts of interest.
Julie Gerberding is a perfect example of this. After promoting and defending the safety of vaccines as director of the CDC from 1998 until 2009, she left CDC to accept a lucrative executive position with Merck & Co. as president of the company's vaccine division. Since 2014, she has served as Merck's executive vice president of strategic communications, global public policy and population health.12
In his presentation, Bigtree addressed the federal vaccine adverse event reporting system (VAERS). VAERS was a vaccine safety provision included in the 1986 National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act and is a passive reporting system. As such, it suffers from the same malady as other passive reporting systems, which is underreporting. Research has confirmed passive reporting systems underreport by 50-to-1, meaning only 1 in 50 adverse events are ever reported.
In the case of VAERS, published estimates suggest only between 1 and 10 percent of serious health problems that occur after vaccination are ever reported,13,14 so VAERS may have an underreporting rate as high as 100-to-1. This means that for every vaccine adverse event report that makes it to VAERS, it may need to be multiplied by 100 to get closer to reality.
Under the 1986 law, doctors and all vaccine providers have a legal obligation to report vaccine side effects to VAERS, but they don't, and there are no legal sanctions or professional ramifications for failure to make a report. Parents can also make a vaccine reaction report to the VAERS database themselves, and I encourage all parents to do so, should your child experience a vaccine reaction and your doctor or vaccine provider refuse to make a report.
At present, VAERS has over 500,000 reports of adverse reactions to vaccines, and every year, more than 30,000 new reports are added to it. (An easy way to review information in the VAERS database is the user-friendly MedAlerts website, accessible through NVIC.org, which contains searchable information on vaccine adverse events that have been reported to VAERS since the reporting system began operating in 1990.)
In 2016 alone, 59,117 reports were added. According to Bigtree, these included 432 deaths, 1,091 permanent disabilities, 4,132 hospitalizations and 10,284 emergency room visits. Again, you likely need to multiply these figures by 100 to get a more accurate estimate of how many vaccine-related health problems have really been occurring in the U.S.
This means the annual vaccine-related death toll may be closer to 43,200, and permanent disabilities may number around 109,100. Mind you, that's just in one year. Regardless, as Bigtree notes, "This is no way to conduct science." How can you assess harm when you likely have only 1 percent of the data?
In 2010, the CDC had the brilliant idea of hiring a company to automate VAERS in such a way that any potential vaccine reactions reported to doctors participating in the Harvard Pilgrim HMO would automatically be uploaded into the VAERS database. What did they find? Preliminary data showed that out of 376,452 individuals given 45 different vaccines, 35,570 possible vaccine reactions were identified.
This means nearly 1 in 10 people suffered a reaction after vaccination concerning enough to be reported, yet the official CDC mantra is that the risk for serious vaccine injury or death is 1 in 1 million. Alas, while creation of VAERS in the 1986 law presented an opportunity to finally get a better understanding of the number of potential vaccine reactions, injuries and deaths occurring after vaccinations given in the U.S., the CDC didn't follow through.
According to the company hired and paid $1 million to create this automated reporting program, "There was never any opportunity to perform system performance assessments because the necessary CDC contacts were no longer available and the CDC consultants responsible for receiving data were no longer responsive to our multiple requests to proceed with testing and evaluation."
Neil Z. Miller, author of "Miller's Review of Critical Vaccine Studies," downloaded the VAERS database and created a program to extract all reports involving infants. In all, there was an extraction and analysis of the reports of 38,000 infants who experienced an adverse reaction following the receipt of one or more vaccines to determine the number of vaccines each infant had received before suffering an adverse reaction.
The reports were stratified by the number of vaccines (anywhere from one to eight) the infants had received simultaneously before the reaction took place, focusing on serious adverse reactions requiring hospitalization or that led to death. Here are the results:
Bigtree also summarized vaccine safety reports issued by physician committees at the Institute of Medicine (IOM) in 199115 and 1994.16,17 These reports were among the vaccine safety provisions included in the 1986 National Chlldhood Vaccine Injury Act. Both IOM committees found much of the evidence in the medical literature was too inadequate to be able to ascertain whether nine government recommended childhood vaccines reviewed were — or were not — causing commonly reported health problems.
Another IOM report, published in 2012, "Adverse Effects of Vaccines: Evidence and Causality,"18 is one of the most important reviews of scientific evidence about vaccine injuries and deaths. This report summarized evidence for 155 reported vaccine-related adverse effects associated with eight government recommended childhood vaccines.
Out of 155 health problems reported after vaccination, 134 of them could not be evaluated due to a lack of enough methodologically sound scientific studies! The vaccine-related health problems being evaluated include very serious effects such as encephalitis, seizure disorders, multiple sclerosis, psoriatic arthritis and much more. Clearly, vaccine science is simply either not there or not solid enough for rational conclusions to be made about cause and effect.
Although vaccine safety advocates have criticized the IOM's reports as minimizing the full extent of vaccine risks, no other recognized scientific institution in the world has so clearly acknowledged that vaccines can and do cause injury and death, especially for susceptible individuals, and that there are large vaccine science knowledge gaps about safety that need to be addressed.
For the 2012 IOM report, over a period of three years, a physician committee reviewed over 1,000 vaccine studies related to safety issues associated with eight childhood vaccines. The committee excluded studies funded by the pharmaceutical industry (but did include studies funded by the federal government). The eight vaccines studied were:
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Hepatitis A-hepatitis B |
Meningococcal vaccine |
Pneumococcal vaccine |
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Diphtheria, tetanus and acellular pertussis, also known as DTaP or Tdap |
Varicella zoster (chickenpox) |
Also of great importance, the IOM looked at two distinct categories of science in this report:
This is important because many of the studies the CDC relies on as evidence that vaccines don't cause any problems are epidemiological studies and, if poor methodology is used, the conclusions of epidemiological studies can be fatally flawed. In the 2012 review, the IOM committee reviewed both kinds of science.
The most shocking conclusion of this report is that, for more than 100 adverse health outcomes reported after these eight vaccines were given, the IOM committee was unable to determine whether or not the vaccines caused a commonly reported brain or immune system disorder. In short: The scientific evidence was insufficient to make a conclusion in most cases.
So, the committee was unable to confirm or deny causation for most reported poor health outcomes following receipt of certain vaccines, including multiple sclerosis, lupus and autism. In 2013, a physician committee at IOM also pointed out that the current federally recommended childhood vaccine schedule for infants and children from birth to age 6 had not been adequately studied for safety.19 According to the IOM's20 2013 "Childhood Immunization Schedule and Safety" report, studies are needed to examine the:
All of these facts point to why we simply must protect flexible vaccine exemptions in federal vaccine policies and state vaccine laws. We must have the right to choose and refuse. Moreover, when an individual experiences a deterioration in health after vaccination, doctors also need to understand the danger of giving more vaccinations until or unless the vaccine can be conclusively exonerated as a causative or contributing factor to that health deterioration.
And guess what? There are well over 100 brain and immune system disorders associated with vaccination for which there's insufficient science to ascertain whether or not the vaccine might be a causative factor.
What this tells us is that physicians — or anyone — recommending and administering vaccines to people, particularly to vulnerable infants and children, need to apply the precautionary principle of "first do no harm" and respect the human right to exercise informed consent to medical risk taking, including vaccine risk-taking. This is critically important when the foundation of science supporting the safety of any given vaccine, alone or in combination, for any given individual is so weak.
While the mainstream media opted to protect the United States government by treating anyone who dared to question the government’s role in the rise of ISIS as crazy conspiracy theorists, a new report is forcing the MSM to admit that those “conspiracies” were true all along.
“FBI appears to have investigated – and considered prosecuting – FOIA requesters“: Investigative reporting blog and FOIA tool provider Muckrock shows that as far back as 2016, the FBI refused to produce documents that had the names of deceased FBI staff (nullifying any privacy concerns), but consistently failed to redact personal information about the requesters — a clear violation of privacy:
“Despite redacting the names and email addresses of the public servants handling the case, the FBI released not only the author’s name and address in the file (technically improper since there was no waiver, albeit understandable) but the name, email address and home address of another requester who also used the script to file requests. Their name along with their email and physical addresses were left unredacted not once, not twice, not thrice – but seven times, not including the email headers, several of which also showed their name and email address.”
Other emails show that the FBI’s Obama-era FOIA office consulted a number of people from the Criminal Justice Information Services division for the purpose of singling out “suspicious” FOIA requests for possible prosecution targeting.
I’d love to know what they considered a “suspicious” FOIA request.

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Secret police are characteristic of dictatorships, or so goes the conventional thinking on the subject. Police in democracies operate for the most part transparently and within a set of rules and guidelines that limits their ability to gratuitously punish citizens who have done nothing wrong. If a policeman operating under rule-of-law steps out of line, […]
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Faced with allegations of mishandling classified information, the State Department allowed Hillary Clinton and top aide Huma Abedin to take files of telephone calls, schedules and other work-related information under the claim they were “personal” and “unclassified, non-record” materials, according to newly released documents.
The records newly obtained by the Washington watchdog Judicial Watch show that Abedin was allowed to take five boxes of “physical files” out of the State Department that include records described as “Muslim Engagement Documents.”
And Clinton was allowed to take personal correspondence and gift binders, which could be relevant to allegations that donations were made to the family’s Clinton Foundation and Clinton Global Initiative in exchange for favorable policy decisions.
WND previously reported emails obtained by Judicial Watch showed Abedin doing favors for a Russia-connected group on behalf of the Clinton Foundation while Hillary Clinton was secretary of state.
Abedin, who grew up in Saudi Arabia, worked for an organization founded by her family that promotes the kingdom’s strict Wahhabi interpretation of Islam. She was a member of the executive board of the Muslim Student Association, which was identified as a Muslim Brotherhood front group in a 1991 document introduced into evidence during the terror-financing trial of the Texas-based Holy Land Foundation
Previous Judicial Watch investigations revealed numerous examples of Clinton’s schedule being broadcast via email through her unsecure, non-government server.
The records newly uncovered by Judicial Watch also contain a list of materials removed by Clinton that were accumulated by Robert Russo, Clinton’s then-special assistant, including PDFs of Clinton’s “correspondence in response to gifts … thank you and acknowledgements.”
The documents indicate that Clinton removed a physical file of “the log of the Secretary’s gifts with pictures of gifts.” Judicial Watch noted the receipt of gifts by federal employees in the Executive Branch is regulated. A “prohibited source” of gifts, for example, is “one whose interests may be substantially affected by the performance or nonperformance of the employee’s official duties.”
The documents show the State Department records would not be “released to the general public” under any Freedom of Information Act request.
“We already know the Obama State Department let Hillary Clinton steal and then delete her government emails, which included classified information. But these new records show that was only part of the scandal,” said Judicial Watch President Tom Fitton.
“These new documents show the Obama State Department had a deal with Hillary Clinton to hide her calls logs and schedules, which would be contrary to FOIA and other laws,” Fitton said.
“When are the American people going to get an honest investigation of the Clinton crimes?”
Hillary team gets a pass
The revelations come amid news that FBI agent Peter Strzok, who was dismissed by special counsel Robert Mueller in the “Russia collusion” investigation for demonstrating personal bias against President Trump, was a key figure in the bureau’s investigation of Clinton’s mishandling of classified information.
It was Strzok who, according to sources cited by CNN, changed the language of FBI Director James Comey’s earlier draft describing Clinton’s actions as “grossly negligent” to “extremely careless.” It was a critical legal distinction that Comey used to explain why he did not refer charges to the Justice Department.
Abedin and longtime Clinton counsel Cheryl Mills, according to official FBI summaries of their interviews with Strzok, made misleading statements regarding Clinton’s mishandling of national secrets but faced no consequences, unlike former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn, who was charged with a felony, the Daily Caller reported.
Clinton violated State Department standards by using several home-brew email servers to conduct her official government business as secretary of state. In his July 5, 2016, announcement, Comey said the bureau’s investigation found that of 30,000 emails Clinton handed over to the State Department, 110 contained information that was classified at the time she sent or received them. A few, Comey said, bore markings that identified them as classified.
The bureau also discovered “several thousand” work-related emails that Clinton had not turned over to the State Department – three of those emails contained classified information. And Comey said it was “possible” that hostile foreign governments had gained access to Clinton’s personal account, noting she also regularly used her mobile device on foreign trips, including “in the territory of sophisticated adversaries.”
Comey’s finding conflicted with Clinton’s repeated assertions that none of the emails were classified at the time she sent or received them.
State required keeping released docs secret
The new information obtained by Judicial Watch includes a list of official and personal calls, and schedules that carry a special notation that the documents were released to Clinton on the condition that they not be made public.
Judicial Watch point out that the notation is on an addendum to a DS-1904 form, which authorizes the removal of personal papers and non-record materials. The form was signed by Clarence N. Finney Jr., then-director of the Office of Correspondence and Records.
Judicial Watch said it has a pending request to depose Finney in separate litigation concerning Clinton emails and the Benghazi terrorist attack.
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Samuel Sinyangwe @samswey |